Agamben in Lisbon: The Limitations of the Biopower Argument

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Todd McGowan

Todd McGowan

Жыл бұрын

Giorgio Agamben's response to the Covid-19 pandemic reveals not just his own political misstep but the fundamental errors at the basis of the theory of biopower as a way of understanding the contemporary ruling order. This talk seeks to address these deficiencies.

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@BazookaChipmunk
@BazookaChipmunk Жыл бұрын
In the bald philosopher fight, Todd reigns supreme
@walterramirezt
@walterramirezt 6 ай бұрын
😂Todd 🐐🐐🐐😂
@zootjitsu6767
@zootjitsu6767 Жыл бұрын
6:05 put a wrench in the accumulation of capital? Yes true but only for poor people. Large companies have seen record profits since the pandemic
@Hic_Rhodus
@Hic_Rhodus Жыл бұрын
True. But I guess Todd meant that with regard to the smooth functioning of everyday capitalism and the national economy… which up to that point automatically took priority over all other issues. He did not mean it in the sense of saying capitalism was overturned and suspended completely.
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
@@Hic_Rhodus Todd forgot the part where we gave direct stimulus to the econ in unprecendented amounts, and forgot the part where labor markets and the econ ran red hot for 2021 and 2022. From Foucault's perspective, there was no wrench, but rather another example of the state's protectionist policy organizing the economy around its own ends of growth at all costs from the ordoliberal or neoliberal purview. How Todd construes this as the workings of capital is beyond me. He doesn't even correctly lay out Foucault's thesis on biopower.
@badmudasucka
@badmudasucka Жыл бұрын
@@JS-dt1tn Yup. Complete misconstrual. Unfortunate.
@jwat9576
@jwat9576 Жыл бұрын
Extremely common Todd McG W
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
Here's another way to think about it. The socialization of duration risk, supposedly warranted by the fears of deflation and/or globalization or inflation and/or deglobalization (doesn't matter which as either way rates must go somewhere other than the zero bound), itself only a problem becuase of an abuse of deficit spending which has been the engine of aritifical growth for all DMs for the last 50 years, ACCEPTED a new valid member to its hallowed club of reasons for self-propagation. It could be argued, very clearly, that Covid actually allowed for the inclusion and validation of biopower into the process of capitalist accumulation as viable towards its own ends, which is clearly a win for Biopower and clearly biz as usual for capital. The ideology around 'what we as a state ought to do regarding Covid and other viral crises' was the opportunity for biopower's ideology to include itself under the list of valid reasons for accelerating the socialization of financial risk. But, there are still occurences of biopower which have nothing to do with financial markets and isntead are just Biopowers own efforts to expand itself. Say like forcibly removing people from public spaces for not wearing a mask, banning people from employment if they aren't vaccinated, etc. But that stuff isn't all that interesting. You were icredibly myopic in your view of how covid responses somehow impeded capital. For every 1$ against capital, there was in reality 100$ put in its campaign fund. Thems the facts Todd. I'm afriad you don't have enough knowledge about financial markets to really appreciate how covid aided capital, and how capital validated biopower. Then again I'm still not really sure what you were trying to say. That Biopower isn't the only game in town? I don't think thats what Focuault or Agamben ever argued.
@shezad7165
@shezad7165 Жыл бұрын
Love you man! I am reading your Capitalism and Desire these days.... So wonderful to see you talking about Agamben.
@martinrodarte7043
@martinrodarte7043 Жыл бұрын
I love to read Agamben I plan on ordering his collection ' The Omnibus'. I just started to get into Todd McGowan's works it's all good reading I appreciate these videos. Wishing everyone well from Colorado!
@steverosenblatt7267
@steverosenblatt7267 2 ай бұрын
This is why Foucault developed his third axis of genealogy. A systematic Foucaultian take on Covid would have taken into consideration his third axis wherein a subject is provided recourse to recognize oneself as a subject and enact changes upon themselves in relation to themselves and others. This is the problem that takes place when one (Agamben) becomes ultra committed to one small part of another thinkers (Foucault) project instead of taking into account its totality. In fairness, Agamben is a bit older and the totality of Foucault's lectures at the College de France only came out in full (at least in English) somewhere between 2007-2010. It turns out the whole "care for self" (and others), ethical turn around 1980 was quite a bit more important than some were willing to admit. My point is that bio-power can't be read without the ethical turn. You can take on Agamben's take on Foucault, but to suggest that the totality of Foucault's work can be discarded is simply overly simplistic. Not all "theorists of bio-power" are created equal.
@opencarrydrift6308
@opencarrydrift6308 Жыл бұрын
Agamben is right #simple as
@guilhermehl
@guilhermehl Жыл бұрын
You should do more videos like this one. Great
@walterramirezt
@walterramirezt 6 ай бұрын
"we need to have the courage to understand that desasters are simply desasters"
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
Wish you would engage with people who provide genuine critique. There is opportunity for us all to learn something here.
@tsenotanev
@tsenotanev 4 ай бұрын
yeah.. feels like this talk cares more about the opportunity to stir controversy, not to learn... and in a rather shallow manner at that... makes it that more difficult to have enough good faith to engage with the work of a philosopher, knowing that their insights might just be this much hollow side effects of rather common one-upmanship ..
@martinmichalek
@martinmichalek Жыл бұрын
The king has spoken
@letdaseinlive
@letdaseinlive Жыл бұрын
Leibniz notion that life can be improved, Optimism, was interpreted to mean experimental science advances and history progresses. The bio power results in the collapse of the clear weight of the belief in progress. QED
@chandu6762
@chandu6762 Жыл бұрын
Thanks Todd for the great analysis. Loved it. What's your opinion on China's situation, where the divide between the state and capital is not as simple and clear-cut as in western countries? I mean, when Chinese government implemented extreme quarantine measures and surveillance, it did cause unnecessary deaths and severely violated people's freedom/privacy. When mandatory covid tests every 2-3 days were forced on citizens, the state still assisted the growth of capital by charging the populace a small fee and feeding profit to many companies that manufactured test kits... Would you still argue the same about the theory of biopower in China's case where state intervention did seem to have gone too far?
@toddmcgowan8233
@toddmcgowan8233 Жыл бұрын
It's a great question. I do think that the situation in China is different, but I still wouldn't call it biopower. To me, it's just a standard oppressive and nationalistic regime, not really at all what Agamben's on to.
@walterramirezt
@walterramirezt 6 ай бұрын
Very hegelian final words!
@macguffin8540
@macguffin8540 Жыл бұрын
Just wanted to add that I found your book on the racist fantasy really engaging, and it now has me reading Anne Amlin Cheng and Nestor Braunstein.
@LukeDruid
@LukeDruid Жыл бұрын
i find it really interesting how Foucault, who was inspired by Nietzsche, finds the problem to be Power, instead of recognizing that Power may also be the solution.
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
he problematizes knowledge through power. The problem isn't power (ergo we need to disarm ourselves), the problem is all apparent matters of fact are in some way bound up with power. Therefore all epistemes need contextualization through geneology to bring forward their constitutive effects. Power is not only the ability to disavow but to produce as well.
@walterramirezt
@walterramirezt 6 ай бұрын
Great Analysis. During the pandemic I didn't know what to think or believe, there was a lot of conspiracy theories floating around. I still don't know about big pharma and some questionable Chinese corporations (the same ones that are linked to the opium exports). Still I was wondering why not enough people was seeing this through the lens of Foucault
@fantombouquet
@fantombouquet Жыл бұрын
can you make a video about how you construct jokes please
@toddmcgowan8233
@toddmcgowan8233 Жыл бұрын
There's no great secret, but I usually start with the punch line and then work for a long time trying to come up with something funny. I'm not self-aware enough to make a video about how I go about it because it's also a mystery to me.
@macguffin8540
@macguffin8540 Жыл бұрын
Really interesting video. I agree with the comments that say capital still manages to turn disaster into accumulation, but your point seems to be that neoliberalism and its identification of state as servant to the economy was ruptured, not that capital stopped turning? My other question is perhaps driven by my lack of knowledge about Foucault, but when you equate power with threats and commands I was thinking that didn’t Foucault say power only existed where total domination does not, it being a field of discursive effects rather than direct imposition? I understand that Foucault considered opposition (at least theoretically) to be always co-opted by power, and that his theories about bodies was somehow a struggle with this impasse he created? Could you say something about Lacan’s ‘cause as what doesn't work’ in opposition to the all too smooth functioning of Foucault’s power, and the position bodies have for Foucault as a (failed?) attempt to open his own claustrophobic space?
@toddmcgowan8233
@toddmcgowan8233 Жыл бұрын
That's what I was saying about capitalism, for sure. Concerning Foucault, you raise a key point about attempting to focus on the body rather than the subject, since the subject is precisely the cause insofar as it is what doesn't work. Or: subjectivity is the break in the chain of cause-effect and thus a genuine cause. This doesn't hold for the body, which is why the turn to power is typically accompanied by a turn from subject to body. This makes any hiccup in the functioning of power part of the process. For Foucault, power capitalizes on every failure, so that it succeeds through its failure, whereas I would say that power fails even when it succeeds.
@macguffin8540
@macguffin8540 Жыл бұрын
@@toddmcgowan8233 Thanks Todd, thats great. Really love the last line, has wonderful clarity and a kick like a mule!
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
@@toddmcgowan8233 Any attempt to say that the state is somehow servant to the economy is flying in the face of 50 years of economic policy designed precisely to engineer economic stability and consistent growth, this was of course Foucault's premise in his lectures on biopolitics, and the data supports this view plainly for all to see. The state has expanded its deficit spending and has engaged in the monetization of that debt for decades now, across all major DMs. It has become so commonplace it really doesn't need mentioning. Your argument that covid put a wrench in the accumulation of capital is empirically false. You say that the attempt to preserve life actually interrupted the functioning of capitalism. You say that the measures taken by the state acted as a brake on the capitalist system, and that even when those actions were framed as net positive for capital, they were effectively putting a halt to accumulation. Here's where I take offense with your lecture. You conflate the regulation of the movement of bodies, the lockdowns, etc., with the fiscal and monetary actions taken by the state and the fed, as if they are interchangeable with or irreducible to each other and 'the flow of capital' in general @ 8:45. It makes it hard to argue against your points when you failed to even mention the fiscal and monetary policies in response to covid, but I assume you lump these policies in with capital. Anways, you miss how the latter was the state's attempt to balance the effects of the former, which is why it is extremely confusing to claim as you do that both exercises of power somehow represent state intervention and capital markets coming to a head, when in reality both where state interventions in the first place @ 9:45; somehow you see both as opposed to each other when they are emanating from a single origin (the state broadly, not capital markets or 'capital'). You then use this as proof that, ergo, there is no single site of power in the biopolitical schema. Again you are confused in saying that the state's double response, first on bodies and then on capital markets somehow represents two opposing forces. That play between the control of bodies (or the control of crisis for Agamben), backstopped by an increasingly interventionist protectionist state, mainly in capital markets as it concerned covid, is PRECISELY the mechanism that both Foucault and Agamben attempt to parse out. The state's attempt to balance both exercises of power, to make live for both bodies and markets, perfectly validates Foucault's lectures from 79. Foucault, I can only imagine, would claim that no such interruption occurred, and that more importantly, the state's justification for control over the economy was increased, substantiated by the expected downstream effect OF ITS OWN interventionist telos regarding the question of the movement of bodies in a world with covid. Hard to argue that you provide an example of a theoretical misstep when your own argument committed a theoretical misstep and failed to present Foucault's argument cogently. What am I missing here? Someone, please? The reason why all major DM states have organized their entire fiscal policies around growth is not, as you argue, because they center around capital but around political control; politicians know that economic monotony is good for election results. It's why Clinton and Trump agreed only upon increased social security spending, on increased fiscal spending in general. They don't advocate for those policies because capital puts a gun to their head, but becuase the people have become pavlovian dogs for economic stability. Now if you want to argue that the people's will is actually simply capital at work, ok, but that fails to grasp why states engage in the actions that they do immanently. And what's more, markets discount for economic stability, its a simple way to expand multiples. And what did the fed do during the covid lockdowns? Purchase trillions in corporate debt... What did congress do, etc. Capital doesn't need stability, it needs equivalence. This is another key aspect of Foucault's 79 lectures that I wish you covered, and I love it becuase it is empircally supported. The state engages in producing a range for that equivalence to occur...! That is the ordoliberal's Kantian turn. Occam's razor man. I'm pretty sure any of these empirical facts are far less amorphous than 'capital', no? Thanks for providing your lectures online, gives me great food for thought.
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
@@toddmcgowan8233 Also your point at 10:10 is perfectly covered by Foucault when he discusses homo economicus, covered in lecture 9 of the lecture series on biopolitics. I might expand on this at a later date.
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
You've got that backwards. Under Neo or ordoliberalism, the economy is servant to the state. Todd has his own opinion of the state-economy relation which makes the whole discussion problematic as it moves antithetical to Focuault's own defintions in The Birth of Biopolitics. For Foucault, Neoliberalism marks the beginning of a statist scheme which finds its raison d'etre in the organization of the capital markets, whereas in liberalism proper the goal is protecting individual interests without touching the functioning of the markets. Liberalism is where the state works within the capitalist order, neoliberalism is where the state claims the market under is purview and attempts to displace the market's logic with its own protectionist orientation. Focuault finds this trend to be staunchly anti-liberal. That is where one major misconstrual occurs.
@shaneyeestudio
@shaneyeestudio Жыл бұрын
The state didn’t crack down on capital merely. Rather, state power cracked down on what I would call proletarian capital aka small business
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
Todd have you even read the birth of biopolitics.
@walterramirezt
@walterramirezt 6 ай бұрын
Todd ate Foucault and left no crumbs
@THIAGO9460
@THIAGO9460 Жыл бұрын
Great video. And I agree when you mentioned at the beginning Bolsonaro (by the way, I'm brazilian) and the moments when the post-structuralist left, such as Agamben and Foucault, resonates with far-rights arguments. I think that for the first time since the 1960's we have to ask ourselves if the post-structuralism is going too far nowdays and if instead of thinking critically we're only giving tools to the right-wing populists and conspiracy theorists. Again, great video
@Cyberphunkisms
@Cyberphunkisms Жыл бұрын
i think that giogo agamben is more correct everyday, and todd mcgowan needs to backstep soon.
@flavioballarin4912
@flavioballarin4912 Жыл бұрын
Absolutely.
@Cyberphunkisms
@Cyberphunkisms Жыл бұрын
@@flavioballarin4912 check out my latest defence of agamben video
@Monkeynet01
@Monkeynet01 Жыл бұрын
You know St. Francis of Assisi kissed the wounds of lepers...
@bahruzsamadov8599
@bahruzsamadov8599 Жыл бұрын
What statephobia has done to Agamben
@badmudasucka
@badmudasucka Жыл бұрын
I've heard this guy is a good philosopher, but the things he says here--his account of what Foucault and Agamben's ideas of biopower are, his analysis of state-capital relations--none of them are actually true or faithful accounts. In fact this video is full of misconstruals and I'm not sure how anyone who has studied Foucault/Agamben and their theories about the state, the economy etc. could watch this video with anything but incredulity.
@silvio25432
@silvio25432 2 ай бұрын
Where would you say he misses the mark?
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
Todd this was all over the place. Not very strong. I think your lack of knowledge of financial markets really hurt you on this topic. Also your willingness to accept terms without inquiry. I listened to the last 1:30 a dozen or so times and it makes less sense every time. You mention how the state engaged in unprecedented intruptions to the process of capitalism, but NOT ONCE did you genuinely engage in the ways in which the state also engaged in unprecedented expansions of the same process. IT DID BOTH. First it did the one... then... it did the other. Net-net, Covid aided in capitalist accumulation whilst increasing the accepted boundaries of Biopower. Its not an either or thing Todd. The statement that the alienation of cultural sociality is what actually produces the possibility for sociality was nice. Very Hegelian. And I tend to agree, we need more alienation, not less if our goal is to increase our social bond. But I don't think it was the socially formative quality of alienation as such that was Agamben's target, rather the concentrated means held in the state to define the parameters of what that alienation ought to be, as opposed to the more diffuse pressures we're accustomed to to 'act like one acts' for example. Agamben doesn't tie our sociality to proximity, but to the perceived locus of our desire for proximity. Determining the truth of a process of sociality for Agamben lies in our awareness that we willingly produce it. When it is enforced from without explicitly, a sense that the process of sociality was betrayed emerges. Survival isn't always ideological, just when it is survivial as determined by the state. Seeking water for myself is not the same thing as the state determining where I can travel to and fro and whom I can socialize with and how. To say it more plainly, you conflate survival here with the means of survival as determined by the state. Surivial in the literal physiological sense cannot be ideological. But when the state attempts to determine for individuals the value of surivial as against previously free actions under the new state of exception, it is always ideological. If the uncertainty of the severity of COVID caused the state to overreact and err on the side of caution, to determine that such actions were not ideological but rather genuinely outside of the scope of ideology (i.e. a crisis), first you'd need to determine who qualifies what 'on the side of caution' entails. 'On the side of caution' entailed not just restriction of free movement but also massive socialization of financial risk. But surely financial risk is determined ideologically, since financial stability is equally defined by the state. Why is it risky to operate a small biz but not risky to allow the government to purchase corporate debt? Because clearly what quantifies risk is determined by the state. Clearly, the socialization of financial risk is good and the retarding of free movement is good. Both these things have nothing to do with eachother except for that they are justfied by the state's actions as belonging to 'the Good'. Futhermore our answer lies in the deconstruction of the ideology around risk, an ideology which has been formed in part by Biopower and capitalism. The state did not interupt the process of capitalism, it accelerated it. The divide between state and capital did not become exacerbated, it was weakened. That sometimes 'disasters simply are disasters' is perhaps the most ideologically normative statement I have heard you say. Nevermind the fact that nothing about covid was a disaster for either the theoretical existence of Biopower OR for capitalist accumulation. Covid was not a disaster for Biopower, as now we have come to accept all sorts of increased surveillance in what were once thought of as public places. Furthermore the fear of the other was heightened, which is central to Biopower. And covid was not a disaster for capitalist accumulation. A breif field trip to the St. Louis Fed's website FRED can make that crystal clear for you. M2 growth was massive, socialization of financial risk was increased, and GDP is up roughly 20% over 2019 levels even after the current carange we just went through in financial markets. Once you appreciate that socialization of risk and individuation of wealth is the current regime of capitalist accumulation, you'll apprecaite how the state's actions over both peoples and capitalism only worked to strengthen said regime.
@tsenotanev
@tsenotanev 4 ай бұрын
so ture... what's the « _concentrated means held in the state to define the parameters of what.. alienation ought to be_ »
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn 4 ай бұрын
@@tsenotanev The state has a monopoly over violence, or as foucault would say, to 'let live and let die'. Sociality, when defined by the ordoliberal state, is always going to be statist, i.e., directed towards its own ends. As we learned during Covid, this always present power of the state to control bodies can become incredibly visceral. If we are accepting Todd's Hegelian reading of alienation, the critique put forth by Foucault and Agamben would be that the state is far more immediate and violent in determining the degrees of alienation than any naturally occurring socio-cultural force ever could be. For example, the pressure to engage in performative social acts is only ever dependent on your engagement with it. The state is however far more capable of acting on bodies at will, without awareness or subconscious psychical engagement by the individual. Clearly were talking about two very different degrees of alienation. Biopower (and under the ordoliberal regime, sociality) was not interrupted by Covid, for our response to Covid was only made thinkable by an ordoliberal biopower already present in our politics. I'm still completely dumbfounded that Todd believes Covid "acted as a break on capitalist expansion". Any simple account of the movement of money and wealth will show that in response to a potential risk to capital, the ordoliberal regime engaged in unprecedented levels of market intervention to 'make live' both the market and bodies, fully aware of their interdependence for the capitalist class. Maybe it's because he doesn't see how capital, which is primary to the ordoliberal scheme, is the means by which biopower becomes reified. First via economic relations, then literal bodies for the sake of producing the proper environment to 'let live' qua capitalism. That's the ideological function underpinning all ordoliberal structures, statist intervention to bring about the most natural environment (of course you see the irony). Of course Agamben is more radical than this, I sometimes think he means to say that today biopower is more primary than capital. And I can see that point too, first control bodies in response to a crisis, then make metered responses to capital markets in the aftermath. I highly recommend Focuault's lecture The Birth of Biopolitics. I find it to be one of the most captivating of his lecture series. Sorry for the poorly edited response.
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn 4 ай бұрын
@@tsenotanev Around the 17:30 mark on, Todd somehow thinks that the response to Covid "blows wide open" the relationship between the state and capital because the state had to resort to all sorts of anti-capitalist acts (closing businesses, giving out money to the forcibly unemployed, expand free medical care, etc.). He claims rightfully that these actions are not beneficial to capital, and in the classical understanding of capital this is correct. Two issues, first, he selectively stops time to ignore the concurrent state response concerning capital, which was massive federal socialization of financial risk, which led to one of the largest wealth transfers in the history of this country as risk assets like stocks rallied to all-time highs. It's like Todd actively ignores the socialization of private financial risk and how that degree of government engagement funnels money directly to capital. Its not like we've been engaged in that for decades or anything... Second, theoretically, Todd fails to see how ordoliberal ideology allows for these ostensibly anti-capitalist actions to act directly in the interests of capital. Sure, if we had a true laissez-faire political economy these actions would be perfectly anti-capitalist, but in a political economy where the government backstops any and all financial risk that threatens the proper functioning of the markets (read: ordoliberal), in effect, money was handed directly to capital, and reason given for such unprecended action was the states own claim to power over bodies. Now, any and all exogenous reasons to control bodies, if it interrupts the flow of capital, is excuse enough to give money directly to capital. We see the perfect marrying of ordoliberalism and biopower. Ordoliberalism in the name of biopower, biopower in the name of ordoliberalism. They become each others raison d'être. I feel like I've repeated myself a dozen times. Todd is clearly working with a false understanding of the current paradigm of political economy.
@tsenotanev
@tsenotanev 4 ай бұрын
@@JS-dt1tn yeah.. i didn't think there'd be politically conscious people who are still unconvinced that the state has long ago lost all it's ability to resist capital .. if it ever had it ..
@indonesiamenggugat8795
@indonesiamenggugat8795 Жыл бұрын
✍✍🌹🌹
@OH-pc5jx
@OH-pc5jx Жыл бұрын
todd i’m sorry but, as much as I agree with your basic distaste for biopower theory, i’m not sure this is empirically accurate. covid interventions - at least in the UK - were a massive transfer of wealth to the wealthiest
@arjunravichandran7578
@arjunravichandran7578 Жыл бұрын
Increase in wealth is not the same as capital accumulation. There was big supply chain issue which has not completely resolved and infact China's zero covid policy are still affecting global supply chains.
@BazookaChipmunk
@BazookaChipmunk Жыл бұрын
Capitalists can still try to make bank off of a disaster - but ultimately the thing they want most is to get the flow of capital started again. That's not going to happen with lockdowns and the solidarity required to survive a pandemic. Sure, it's no surprise that the structure of capitalism moved wealth upwards in a crisis, but the point isn't to make some money, it's to make *all* the money.
@jankan4027
@jankan4027 Жыл бұрын
the truth is too important to be sorry.
@toddmcgowan8233
@toddmcgowan8233 Жыл бұрын
I think in the end that you may be correct, but there were voices during the pandemic initial phases that wanted nothing to interrupt the movement of capital. Something did. That logic was challenged, at least at some point.
@jankan4027
@jankan4027 Жыл бұрын
@@toddmcgowan8233 In the first stage, but then they took the situation as an opportunity as they like say it.. Another comment on Vighi's speculation would also be cool to hear. Thx!
@kimcarsons7036
@kimcarsons7036 Жыл бұрын
You are right and wrong on many accounts. Its seems principally you are failing to acknowledge what i'll call a Heideggerian/Acceleration capitalist logic - One that runs from Marx vis a vis fragment of machines thru to Nick Land and his conception of capitalism as A.I. I agree with your Lacanian analysis of capital as the desiring subject. But it's not enough at this point in history. Yes i agree for a moment it seemed like the Pandemic was a Benjaminian handbrake on Capital. But it seems you are focusing on the desiring aspects of Capital over its accumulative aspects. And clearly the pandemic concentrated wealth - To Amazon, to Big Tech, to Big Pharma, at the expense of a more free flow desiring form of capital. Clearly small buisness lost out at the expense of the top end of capital. And the state latched back on to purpose again by feeling it something to offer, rather than being merely technocratic. But the state did this as much in the service of biopower as it did towards collective means. The state is after all a mediator between capital and the demos. When you say social distancing is Agamben's biggest error what you are forgetting is the enormous mental health costs that this policy enacted, especially on Children and teenagers. According to Scott Atlas (kzfaq.info/get/bejne/qpyboNBoldDNZZc.html) mental illness tripled amongst teenagers. Yes for for the mediating adult subject we can cope by and large with the idea of distance as part of sociality. On the otherhand domestic violence went thru the roof - too much proximity - and the pressures of capital exploding the emotional spheres of intimate relationships. Agamben is right to say the left and the right have dissolved. Both Left and Right are false universal subjects. Global Capital makes its pivotal turn. Yes it jammed up for moments and liberal democracies looked vaguely communistic by giving out welfare to citizens - but what structurally changed? - Nothing - instead the logic of Capital - Berardi's soul at work is even more present in the logic of the time. Capital mutations may prove more insidious, technocratic, and biopolitically instrumentalizing of the human as mere standing labour for its ongoing purpose - cybernetic A.i ( see also kzfaq.info/get/bejne/n9VnicWQzrytZIU.html)
@F--B
@F--B Жыл бұрын
It seems like you're basically talking about the shift from liberalism to managerialism.
@badmudasucka
@badmudasucka Жыл бұрын
Also some very trite and not-very-true statements littered throughout. Eg. capital is precise, power is amorphous...well, I'm fairly sure financial markets are pretty abstract and amorphous things tbh, and I'm also fairly sure that power is as clear cut as having an army or a monopoly of violence (the brute materiality of power that Foucault and Agamben never relegate to the sidelines of their analyses). Anyway, he's talking at cross-purposes here. I hesitate to call his argument a straw-man. Just the fashionable reluctance on the part of liberal academics to see anything other than a moral victory of some vague form of social solidarity amidst the pandemic (ie. a victory of their own moral rectitude--their own ability to cocoon in comfort whilst their lessers were having MAGA orgies or whatever).
@janllh24
@janllh24 9 ай бұрын
Agamben's response to the pandemic was unworthy of the best of his thinking, but this analysis is so crude, so unresponsive to specificities of concepts invoked,as to be worthless
@gaunaareright
@gaunaareright Жыл бұрын
McGowan DESTROYS Agamben!!! But really, this contrast is helpful, thanks!
@jankan4027
@jankan4027 Жыл бұрын
not really. Bur vaccine believers are getting debunked XD
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
This was a completely ahistorical conceptually incorrect reading by Todd.
@seintzeit
@seintzeit Жыл бұрын
gibberish.
@JS-dt1tn
@JS-dt1tn Жыл бұрын
yep.
@BurgerBeard
@BurgerBeard Жыл бұрын
I guess this means Agamben would also be against contraceptives.
@macguffin8540
@macguffin8540 Жыл бұрын
Wouldn't the sanctity of the foetus be the very apotheosis of bare life though?
@jankan4027
@jankan4027 Жыл бұрын
peeps, you should separate between discourse (symbolic) and real.
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